These positions are similar to George W. Others do represent new long-term concerns urban affairs, climate change , but the act of appointing advisers to manage new areas of interest is hardly unique to the Obama administration. The Bush administration, for instance, created the " faith-based czar " and the " cybersecurity czar.
Another thing: Beck counts among his 32 "czars" three who have not been called "czars" by reporters at all, except in stories claiming that the Obama administration has lots of "czars. As for Obama having an unprecedented number of czars, the Bush administration had even more appointed or nominated positions whose holders were called "czars" by the media.
Our list of confirmed "czars," with news media sources cited, is here. Again, many of these advisory positions were not new — what was new was the "czar" shorthand. Like the Obama czars, the Bush czars held entirely prosaic administrative positions: special envoys, advisers, office heads, directors, secretaries. The preponderance of czars earned both ridicule and concern in editorials and in media, but no objections from Congress.
Read FactCheck. Update, Sept. No one knows for sure, since the term itself has no formal definition. Franklin Roosevelt had his own bevy of czars during World War II, overseeing such aspects of the war effort as shipping and synthetic-rubber production.
The term was then essentially retired until the presidency of Richard Nixon, who appointed the first drug czar and a well-regarded energy czar, William E. Simon, who helped the country navigate the s oil crisis. The modern drug czarship — perhaps the best-known of the bunch — was created by George H. Bush and first filled by William Bennett, now a conservative radio host.
By some counts, George W. A sobering overview solidly grounded in public law analysis, this study serves as a counter-argument to those who would embrace an excessively powerful presidency, one with relatively limited constraints. Among other things, it proposes the restoration of accountability-starting with significant changes to Title 3 of the U.
Code, which authorizes the president to appoint White House employees "without regard to any other provision of law. Ultimately, the authors argue that czars have generally not done a good job of making the executive branch bureaucracy more effective and efficient.
Whatever utility presidents may see in appointing czars, Sollenberger and Rozell make a strong case that the overall damage to our constitutional system is great—and that this runaway practice has to stop. Mitchel A. Mark J.
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